Monday, January 29, 2007

Quizlet - "The End of Flashcards" - and Comps Studying

Flashcards

I've been looking for a place to share my ginormous stack of political science comprehensive exam flashcards (see above) with the world, and I just found it. Quizlet, a free service written by a high-schooler, lets you type in flashcards or import them from a spreadsheet. You can take some pretty snazzy quizzes online, share the flashcards with others, and print them out. Schnazzy.

I think what I'll do when it comes time to study for Ph.D. comps (in about a year) is type in all my master's comp flashcards, and in so doing study and do something nice for others at the same time. (At Nebraska, we have to take comps twice.)

(Via Lifehacker)

Easy Mind-Mapping with bubbl.us

Bubblus

There's a new mind-mapping service called bubbl.us. I've taken to using mind-mapping for starting new research projects and papers. It helps me order my thoughts and increase productivity because I dump everything I can possibly think of onto paper before I start nosing around the Internets and getting lost in its series of tubes. Not only does my mind map almost automatically produce good search terms, it gives me organized places to put notes about material I find on JSTOR or Google Scholar.

Saturday, January 27, 2007

Eszter Hargittai's Stata Goodies Page

Eszter Hargittai's Stata Goodies Page has a number of resources including a Stata program that splits a continuous variable into a number of categories.

Friday, January 26, 2007

Open Comment Thread on One-Day Consensus Conferences

Here's a place to post comments and ask questions about my One-Day Consensus Conferences, other similar forums, and deliberative democracy in general.

Thursday, January 25, 2007

Phun with Phylogeny: "Our Robot Overlords" Didn't Start That Way

Well, "memetic phylogeny," anyway. Did you know that the
apparently very much modified phrase, "I, for one, welcome our robot overlords," didn't start out that way? People have been sampling the Simpsons:

Kent Brockman reports on Channel Six.

Kent: We're just about to get our first pictures from inside the spacecraft with "average-naut" Homer Simpson, and we'd like to -- aah!
[Camera shows a close-up of an ant floating in front of the three astronauts]
Everyone:Aah!
Kent: Ladies and gentlemen, er, we've just lost the picture, but, uh, what we've seen speaks for itself. The Corvair spacecraft has been taken over -- "conquered", if you will -- by a master race of giant space ants. It's difficult to tell from this vantage point whether they will consume the captive earth men or merely enslave them. One thing is for certain, there is no stopping them; the ants will soon be here. And I, for one, welcome our new insect overlords. I'd like to remind them that as a trusted TV personality, I can be helpful in rounding up others to toil in their underground sugar caves.

Monday, January 22, 2007

Is economic nationalism an ideology?

As I do the preliminary reading for a dissertation on ideology, I have to make some tough choices about what counts as an ideology and what doesn't. A book I just finished, Ideology: A Very Short Introduction, calls nationalism a "thin ideology" because it has


... an identifiable morphology but, unlike mainstream ideologies, a restricted one. ... It does not embrace the full range of questions that the macro-ideologies do, and is limited in its ambitions and scope. Take nationalism, an ideology that concentrates on the exceptional worth of a nation as the shaper of human identity while often emphasizing its superiority over other national entities, and that justifies the demands a nation can make on the conduct of its members. The point is that it does little else (p. 98, emphasis in original).


So under that definition, is the economic nationalism of some Congressional Democrats mentioned in this Slate story a paper-thin ideology?


There is an important distinction to be made between economic populism and economic nationalism. Many of Tuesday's Democratic victors stressed familiar populist themes: the little guy against the big guy; corporate misbehavior; and tough times faced by working people. Al Gore ran in 2000 as an economic populist and so, implausibly, did John Kerry in 2004. Raising the minimum wage (which Republicans stupidly failed to do before the election) is a classic populist position. Opposing Bush tax cuts for the wealthy is another. But in places where Democrats made their most-impressive inroads this year, one heard a distinctly different message of economic nationalism. Nationalism begins from the populist premise that working people aren't doing so well. But instead of blaming the rich at home, it focuses its energy on the poor abroad. The leading economic nationalist today is probably Lou Dobbs, who on nights other than Election Night natters on against free trade, outsourcing, globalization, and immigration on CNN.


By the way, if you click through to the ideology book mentioned above and are intrigued, note that Amazon is having a buy three, get one free deal. I was very satisfied with my first Very Short Introduction and have four more (Human Evolution, The Brain, Intelligence, and Psychology) coming Thursday.

Sunday, January 21, 2007

Prospect Theory and the Implicit Association Test

The following is my sixth-week reaction paper from a Fall 2006 class, Biological Approaches to Political Behavior, taught by Professors John Hibbing and Kevin Smith.

The study of emotions and automatic, unconscious reactions links most of this week’s readings. Mutz and Reeves find people’s well-learned manners regarding tone of voice and the preservation of personal space in conversations are violated by television’s “in your face� style, which leads people to distrust the people they usually only see on TV – politicians. Olson and Marsheutz demonstrate that it may well be impossible for even the most egalitarian person to judge people equally, for example, when one person is attractive and the other isn’t. Bower covers the controversy over the Implicit Association Test, which is just one example of a suite of diagnostic tools psychologists are using to tap unconscious attitudes people can’t report on surveys. Sanfey et al. show people respond emotionally to unfair offers in economic games. Morris et al. and Lodge and Taber both write about the “hot cognition� phenomenon, where items in long-term memory arrive in working memory with positive or negative affect already attached. Finally, Camerer et al. and Lieberman and Schreiber present classic gifts to graduate students, offering laundry lists of testable hypotheses.

The papers on hot cognition struck me as a bit of old news. The Republican Party, perhaps without labeling it as such, seem already to have noticed the potential for strong associations between political concepts and emotions. As Geoffrey Nunberg noted in “Talking Right� and George Lakoff wrote in “Don't Think of an Elephant,� conservatives have already successfully attached negative affect to many words liberals use to describe themselves and others use to describe liberals. It is just a matter of time before “progressive� goes the same way. The hot cognition hypothesis could deliver something we don’t already know if some enterprising political operative used its insights not to negatively valence political words like “liberal,� but found a way to use Morris et al.’s findings to associate nonsense words in people’s minds with the opposing party’s political concepts. Because, as Morris et al. found, this inhibits the recognition of semantically unrelated concepts, the result could be targets of these efforts left with negative affect toward liberal words on the emotional side and inability to process them on the cognitive side.

Turning to Bower’s piece on IAT, I wonder whether there is any relationship between the seeming existence of implicit associations and prospect theory. It seems that people can, with effort, work past their prejudices against the out-group, whether those prejudices spring from an evolutionarily adaptive fear of the other, are learned, or arise from some combination of genes and the environment. A white Southerner can learn to like individual blacks, for example, or a Hindu Indian can befriend a Muslim Indian. But the IAT results (methodological questions aside for the moment) seem to indicate that people unconsciously hang on to the notion that “the out-group is the enemy.� Is this because our minds, without our knowing it, are operating in accord with prospect theory? That is, are they valuing the avoidance of a loss (failing to recognize an enemy) over gaining a gain (a new friend or business associate)? One way to test this would be to find a bunch of white and black people who report large numbers of friends of the opposite race, then randomly insert those friends’ pictures into a better-run IAT and see what happens. My hypothesis would that the brain is so risk-averse in a prospect theory sense that positive association latencies would be high even when friends’ pictures are presented. (A “better-run IAT� would have the same control scheme for the two halves of the test; I agree with the letter from Mia Molvray that learning two control patterns probably contributes to measurement error in the test.)

One-Day Consensus Conference Facilitation

I added a page describing the consulting work I do, One-Day Consensus Conference Facilitation. This decision-making process takes a diverse group of stakeholders with varying amounts of knowledge about and interest in a topic and puts them on a level playing field so they can reach consensus on a decision that needs to be made. Consensus conferences are one part of deliberative democracy, broadly defined, which is one of my research interests and a topic on which I wrote a paper, "Can Citizens Deliberate on Their Own? An Empirical Test Using Survey Measures and Small-Group Observation."

Saturday, January 20, 2007

Cooperation's Effect on Constitutent Service, Ethnic Conflict

The following is my fifth-week reaction paper from a Fall 2006 class, Biological Approaches to Political Behavior, taught by Professors John Hibbing and Kevin Smith.

A unifying theme of this week’s readings is that people are not rational in action, but are rational in design. This is stated explicitly in Smith, and implied in the following: Guth and Tietz, who show that social acceptability trumps rational strategy; Fehr and Gachter, who show people engage in punishment behavior even though it’s not individually maximizing; in Boyd et. al., who do the same; in Kurzban and DeScioli, who show there are type of game players who employ different reciprocal strategies; in Orbell et. al., who show different cooperative types can evolve; and in Hammond and Axelrod, who explain the evolution of in-group favoritism and by implication show how it is a rational design feature of humans.

Also tying together the readings is a focus on in-group relations; for example, the authoritative decision-maker’s relationship with the targets of his or her decisions (Smith) and the (computer-modeled) ethnocentrist’s relationship with units people of its own color and cooperative type (Hammond and Axelrod). In this paper I argue for extending the latter two papers to shed light on how cooperative types interact with out groups in two cases: constituent service and ethnic conflict.

Smith offers an interesting explanation of what happens when a certain cooperative type, the wary cooperator, becomes a leader with authority over others. He suggests further research into how these leaders determine membership in the in-group whose sensibilities they so carefully consider, but does not address in any sense how the wary cooperator-as-leader behaves toward the out-group. Fenno’s (1978) list of a member of Congress’ four constituencies provides us a highly relevant out-group to study: the geographical constituency that did not vote for him or her. (The other three constituencies – personal, primary and re-election – are in-groups.) How do members of Congress treat the out-group among their constituents? Do they provide them less constituent service than they give to their in-group?

The ultimatum game can help answer these questions. Players would be told they are responsible for allocating a finite resource they own (time spent helping the recipient), which is worth some amount more to the recipient than to the allocator. They would further be told there are four kinds of recipients, the first three of whom were responsible in declining degree for electing the player to be the allocator: close friends, key election supporters, and general supporters. The fourth kind of recipient voted for someone other than the player to be the allocator. (For simplicity, nonvoters are ignored.) In a series of rounds the four kinds of players display three types of cooperative behavior – free riding, wary cooperation, and full cooperation, the object of this being that the four kinds of recipients, even ones who voted against the player, are heterogeneous in their value as cooperative partners (that is, even a “kind four� player can be a “good guy�). The hypothesis is that the player will favor the in-group even if they’re all scoundrels (they cooperate the least) and the out-group players cooperate the most.

But this doesn’t get enough at the difference between in-group favoritism (ethnocentrism), which could lead to simple passivity toward or peaceful non-cooperation with the out-group, and xenophobia, or active hostility toward the out-group. What is needed is some sort of mergers and acquisitions or corporate hostile takeover economic game, where it’s possible not just to decline to cooperate with another player, but actually to attack him or her regardless of his or her level of cooperation (attacking here is conceived separately from punishing behavior designed to promote in-group cooperation). Should such a game exist, or if one could be invented, it would offer ways to investigate how ethnocentrism becomes xenophobia, shedding light on ethnic conflict.

Thursday, January 18, 2007

Misleading Statistics

This story from Slate Magazine illustrates one of the many, many, many ways statistics can mislead:

When the categories get conflated, the statistics can become confusing. Take the number 800,000: It's true that 797,500 people under 18 were reported missing in a one-year period, according to a 2002 study. But of those cases, 203,900 were family abductions, 58,200 were nonfamily abductions, and only 115 were "stereotypical kidnappings," defined in one study as "a nonfamily abduction perpetrated by a slight acquaintance or stranger in which a child is detained overnight, transported at least 50 miles, held for ransom or abducted with the intent to keep the child permanently, or killed." Even these categories can be misleading: Overstaying a visit with a noncustodial parent, for example, could qualify as a family abduction.
Anytime you see such a high number, it pays to remember that 50,000 is the magic number in public policy discussions (example 1, example 2).

Public radio show On the Media puts it best:

Numbers justify fear. 50,000 abducted children, for example, or 50,000 predators prowling for children online. That last figure appeared in a recent introduction for NBC’s “Dateline.� And last week, Attorney General Alberto Gonzales cited Dateline’s number. But where did it come from? So far as statistics go, it turns out that 50,000 is something of a Goldilocks number in the media – not too big and not too small, but for scaring the public - just right.

Wednesday, January 17, 2007

Culture as a Variable, and Its Interactions

The following is my fourth-week reaction paper from a Fall 2006 class, Biological Approaches to Political Behavior, taught by Professors John Hibbing and Kevin Smith.

The unifying theme of most of this week’s readings is culture – how personality traits that contribute to it can be positively selected (Ding et al.), how it can interact with genes (Harpending and Cochran), how it can affect the economic behavior of groups (Henrich et al.), how it can, through the promotion of egalitarian values, defeat attacks on groups based on innate differences (Pinker); how it can develop through demographic disasters (Sapolsky); how it can set in-group/out-group boundaries that can lessen the number of people who will be targeted for coalitional killing (Wrangham). Two other readings, on force escalation and prospect theory, help explain why the conflicts addressed in Pinker, Sapolsky and Wrangham can intensify.

While Ding et. al. and Harpending and Cochran focus most on the role allele variation in the DRD4 gene plays in the incidence of ADHD, an associated personality trait they mention more in passing -- novelty seeking – is of more interest in explaining cultural variation. Greater prevalence of the 7R allele in some cultures than others could lead to greater exploration, leading to greater exposure to diversity, leading to decreased ethnocentrism. This could explain why Japan kept its society closed to others for so long – its population had a lower incidence of the 7R allele associated with novelty seeking, as Ding et. al. report is the case in Asia today – but then exploded forth in imperial aggression motivated by an ideology of Japanese racial superiority. The 7R allele’s much higher frequency in the Americas could explain the American pioneer spirit, and perhaps the American penchant for capitalist entrepreneurship.

Cultures can define illness and perhaps shoot themselves in the feet competitively if they make the wrong choices. American culture has defined ADHD as a mental illness and is attempting to medicate it out of our children. But perhaps ADHD is a positive adaptation that leads its “sufferers� to be dissatisfied with sitting patiently waiting for good things to come to them, and leads them to seek out new things. In the Pleistocene, such exploration could have been adaptive. A person with the 7R allele, upon returning from an exploratory adventure, could have led his hunter-gatherer tribal fellows to a new food source, such as a fruit-tree grove, or a better environment, such as caves that offered protection from predators. But frequency-dependent selection may have been operating, in that not everyone can be explorers – someone, probably a lot of someones, have to stay put to nourish and protect the young. What happens if we medicate the exploratory instinct out of a generation of children?
The role of the 7R allele, or some analogue of it, in coalitionary killing merits study in non-human primate populations. Wrangham finds that chimps go on lethal raids to seek out enemies they can dominate, because it is adaptive to winnow down the population of competitors when one has enough of an advantage to do so at little risk. But are these chimps actually going out only with the intent to explore? Encountering an enemy during their explorations, they may attack for reasons consistent with the imbalance of power hypothesis (and also with prospect theory); but their aggressive actions do not prove premeditation. This calls for investigating whether chimps who go on “lethal raids� have something akin to the human 7R allele variation.

The readings provide hope that culture can mitigate conflict. A culture of early and frequent female attention to male transfers made one group of baboons less aggressive. As Sapolsky indicates, individuals may not be able to transcend their natures, but societies can. Change the definition of the out-group, and you change the potential for aggression and war.

Tuesday, January 16, 2007

Data Analysis with Stata Class; Wishes for a SPSS-to-Stata Guide

The class page for POL SCI 6 LEC 1: Introduction to Data Analysis at UCLA has a done of Stata data sets, tutorials and homeworks that I'm planning to work through "When I Have Some Spare Time" in my continuing, though depressingly slow, effort to free myself from the evil clutches of SPSS.

The Stata Crib Sheet (supposed to be a PDF, but saved with a "PDG" extension; you'll need to rename it on download) gives three pages of commonly used Stata commands. What I'd like to see is a "SPSS to Stata" crib sheet that has one column with common SPSS procedures, and in the other column tells you how to do them in Stata.

Standardized Faces Database

The CAL/PAL FacesDB offers facial images standardized on symmetry, attractiveness and facial expressions in a wide variety of ages and races. Useful for experimental research.

New Directions for Cooperation Research

The following is my third-week reaction paper from a Fall 2006 class, Biological Approaches to Political Behavior, taught by Professors John Hibbing and Kevin Smith.

This week’s readings suggest a number of promising avenues for future research. Kurzban and Houser’s cooperation experiment, which provided evidence for three stable human cooperative types, should be re-run with social cues in place to settle Pruitt and Kimmel’s question about “dispositional qualities� in light of Ketelaar’s observations regarding social motives in human interactions. This could be accomplished in group games by assigning each group member a photo and a name. Group members besides the subject would be characters programmed to play as free riders, reciprocators or cooperators. This would be the social condition of the experiment. There would also be an asocial condition, run per Kurzban and Houser’s design. I would have enough subjects play enough games in each condition that clear cooperative types would emerge, then compare the playing strategies of each cooperative type in the asocial condition with the strategies of the same cooperative type in the social condition. Pruitt and Kimmel expected that “dispositional qualities,� or in this case cooperative type, would have “little impact in an impersonal setting as represented by most gaming environments.� Therefore, I expect the differences between cooperative types to be pronounced in the social condition than in the asocial condition.

Kurzban and Houser’s design can further be expanded to examine coalition formation. I would run a series of four-person cooperation games using the social cues described above in a social condition and no social cues in an asocial condition. Subjects would be told their aim was to maximize the group’s winnings by choosing an effective team. The three computer-controlled players would play as the three cooperative types, and at the end of each game subjects would get to choose which of the three computer players they wanted to play in the next game. The games would proceed until subjects had selected three teammates, at which time a final game with the selected team would determine that team’s score. The experimental comparison would be between the team scores of subjects in the social and asocial conditions. Following Smith et al.’s argument that humans can predict others’ game-playing behavior after a short period of interaction, my expectation is that social condition teams would have higher scores because the social cues make it easier to determine a potential teammate’s cooperative type.

An interesting question to ask in papers implementing both of the proposed extensions of Kurzban and Houser’s design is this: How many subjects will choose free-riding strategies, in the first case as individuals and in the second case as teams? While Kurzban and Houser’s results on this point were not statistically significant, it is interesting to note that free riders in their experiment earned the highest average amount, with the lowest standard deviation. In other words, they made more with less uncertainty. What does it mean for cooperative efforts, like representative democracy, that free riding is such a successful strategy?

Singer et al.’s discovery that men’s empathic responses are shaped by their valuation of other people’s social behavior also provides an opportunity for further research. Alford, Funk and Hibbing argue one characteristic of the distinct absolutist political phenotype is a preference for swift and severe punishment. While even I could not get the ultimate test of a fondness for swift and severe punishment – experimental imposition of the death penalty – past the IRB, I would propose a modification of Singer et al.’s design whereby the latency between the unfair act and the pain stimuli is varied. Using data from a politics-focused Wilson-Patterson Attitude Inventory administered after the fMRI scans, I would locate the absolutist and contextualist men and compare their responses to punishment of the unfair player, expecting three things. First, absolutist men would express a stronger desire for revenge than contextualist men on the revenge index given in the post-experiment questionnaire. Second, absolutist men would show greater activation than contextualist men in nucleus accumbens when an unfair player was punished. Third, absolutist men who observed swifter punishment would show greater nucleus accumbens activation than absolutist men who observed slower punishment.

Cooperation and Social Cues; Ideology and Punishment

The following is my third-week reaction paper from a Fall 2006 class, Biological Approaches to Political Behavior, taught by Professors John Hibbing and Kevin Smith.

This week’s readings suggest a number of promising avenues for future research. Kurzban and Houser’s cooperation experiment, which provided evidence for three stable human cooperative types, should be re-run with social cues in place to settle Pruitt and Kimmel’s question about “dispositional qualities� in light of Ketelaar’s observations regarding social motives in human interactions. This could be accomplished in group games by assigning each group member a photo and a name. Group members besides the subject would be characters programmed to play as free riders, reciprocators or cooperators. This would be the social condition of the experiment. There would also be an asocial condition, run per Kurzban and Houser’s design. I would have enough subjects play enough games in each condition that clear cooperative types would emerge, then compare the playing strategies of each cooperative type in the asocial condition with the strategies of the same cooperative type in the social condition. Pruitt and Kimmel expected that “dispositional qualities,� or in this case cooperative type, would have “little impact in an impersonal setting as represented by most gaming environments.� Therefore, I expect the differences between cooperative types to be pronounced in the social condition than in the asocial condition.

Kurzban and Houser’s design can further be expanded to examine coalition formation. I would run a series of four-person cooperation games using the social cues described above in a social condition and no social cues in an asocial condition. Subjects would be told their aim was to maximize the group’s winnings by choosing an effective team. The three computer-controlled players would play as the three cooperative types, and at the end of each game subjects would get to choose which of the three computer players they wanted to play in the next game. The games would proceed until subjects had selected three teammates, at which time a final game with the selected team would determine that team’s score. The experimental comparison would be between the team scores of subjects in the social and asocial conditions. Following Smith et al.’s argument that humans can predict others’ game-playing behavior after a short period of interaction, my expectation is that social condition teams would have higher scores because the social cues make it easier to determine a potential teammate’s cooperative type.

An interesting question to ask in papers implementing both of the proposed extensions of Kurzban and Houser’s design is this: How many subjects will choose free-riding strategies, in the first case as individuals and in the second case as teams? While Kurzban and Houser’s results on this point were not statistically significant, it is interesting to note that free riders in their experiment earned the highest average amount, with the lowest standard deviation. In other words, they made more with less uncertainty. What does it mean for cooperative efforts, like representative democracy, that free riding is such a successful strategy?

Singer et al.’s discovery that men’s empathic responses are shaped by their valuation of other people’s social behavior also provides an opportunity for further research. Alford, Funk and Hibbing argue one characteristic of the distinct absolutist political phenotype is a preference for swift and severe punishment. While even I could not get the ultimate test of a fondness for swift and severe punishment – experimental imposition of the death penalty – past the IRB, I would propose a modification of Singer et al.’s design whereby the latency between the unfair act and the pain stimuli is varied. Using data from a politics-focused Wilson-Patterson Attitude Inventory administered after the fMRI scans, I would locate the absolutist and contextualist men and compare their responses to punishment of the unfair player, expecting three things. First, absolutist men would express a stronger desire for revenge than contextualist men on the revenge index given in the post-experiment questionnaire. Second, absolutist men would show greater activation than contextualist men in nucleus accumbens when an unfair player was punished. Third, absolutist men who observed swifter punishment would show greater nucleus accumbens activation than absolutist men who observed slower punishment.

The Issues, and Nary a Mention of the Horse Race

Kudos to Lincoln, Nebraska's excellent City Hall reporter, Deena Winter, for giving us a story about the three-way mayoral race chock full of details. She covers a mayoral candidate Q&A before a local business organization in -- get this! -- Q&A format. It's straightforward, reflects what actually happened, and is easy to understand. Two other nice things: She takes the "not a snowball's chance in a blast furnace" candidate seriously, and she eschews the horse race angle.

which is unfortunately far too straightforward and reflective of the

Monday, January 15, 2007

Recent Evolution

The following is my second-week reaction paper from a Fall 2006 class, Biological Approaches to Political Behavior, taught by Professors John Hibbing and Kevin Smith.

Investigating recent evolution is the key to evaluating the Evolutionary Psychologists’ claim that all human behavior can be traced back to adaptations that would have served Pleistocene people well. If there has been genotypical and phenotypical evolution closer to the present than 10,000 years ago, we must wrest evolutionary psychology free from the Evolutionary Psychology paradigm and look for evolutionary linkages to Agriculture and Industrial Age behaviors.

Evidence for recent evolution is accumulating rapidly. Examples are the Northern European adaptation to lactose digestion, which enabled them to increase the nutritional rewards of animal husbandry; the development of malaria resistance, which helps enable survival in tropical and subtropical climates; and, on the behavior-related side, changing regulation of prodynorphin, a building block of endorphins that plays a role in modulating pleasure and pain, the formation of deep emotional bonds, learning, memory, and perception. A review of recent investigations notes about prodynorphin, “Many are speculating that prodynorphin may be one of the first genetic markers that truly demonstrates what makes us human.� What is interesting politically about prodynorphin is that it’s regulated differently in different parts of the world, showing one pattern of effects in Europe and East Africa and a different pattern in India and China. Could it be that emotional political appeals will one day be shown to work differently across population groups because their members process endorphin building blocks differently?

Establishing an impressive and convincing body of political implications for traits springing from recent evolution will depend on how many of the discoveries plausibly relate to behavior. The bone structure, skin color and hair texture differences discovered by Jonathan Pritchard and his colleagues may not seem at first glance to affect behavior. But the appearance differences they generate have been and still are important cues for separating the in-group from the out-group in political matters old such as tribal organization and recent such as national identity. The Evolutionary Psychology paradigm requires that causal arrows start in the Pleistocene and proceed along just one trajectory to the present, leading Evolutionary Psychologists to argue for the idea of a universal human nature. But if evolution did not stop 10,000 years ago and traits that can affect behavior have since then been subject to mutation and drift, there cannot be a universal human nature; rather, there may be several different natures that correspond with the genotypical and phenotypical variation found in the world’s populations. Beyond this criticism, there is the accusation from Buller that Evolutionary Psychologists are “temporally provincial� in focusing on just the past 10,000 years of human evolution (and then only our very limited knowledge of that time span), when we have been around for far longer than that and, one hopes, will remain here for an evolutionarily significant period of time in the future.

But it is not so much the 10,000-year time frame that is the problem, it is the 1,000-year time frame that Evolutionary Psychologists are not studying in enough detail. Blinkered by their fascination with the Pleistocene, they are not noticing evidence of how quickly evolution can move. David Reznick and his colleagues found significant adaptive phenotypic variation in guppies after just 18 generations, which translates to about 360 years of human development. We have available to us records of human political behavior going back much farther than 360 years. We should be looking for evidence of behavioral adaptation much closer to the present, which may help reclaim evolutionary psychology (small letters) from the Evolutionary Psychologists.

Apple Turns Red

It's amusing little details in the art that I really appreciate about cartoons and editorial cartoons. Look carefully at the frustrated student's computer in frames 1 and 3 of the latest  Piled Higher and Deeper.

Sunday, January 14, 2007

Evolutionary Psychology

The following is my first-week reaction paper from a Fall 2006 class, Biological Approaches to Political Behavior, taught by Professors John Hibbing and Kevin Smith.

Evolutionary psychology offers a framework for generating hypotheses about the causes of human behavior that will help bring about a much-needed unification of the sciences and answer lingering questions about our nature. This paper offers ideas for research using evolutionary psychology and notes some of its limitations.

Cosmides, Tooby and Barkow’s chapter, “Introduction: Evolutionary Psychology and Conceptual Integration,� calls on social scientists to explain contemporary human behavior by linking it with actions that would have led to reproductive success, and thus furtherance through evolutionary natural selection, during the Pleistocene epoch of early human development. This approach is challenging and potentially fruitful in that it requires scholars to try drawing a causal arrow that extends all the way from our hunter-gatherer past, through the Agricultural, Industrial and other revolutions to the present Information Age. The authors’ “evolutionarily derived task analysis� method, an engineering approach to social inquiry, provides aid in this imposing task. Pinker’s book The Blank Slate, meanwhile, offers a point-by-point defense of the approach against attacks from proponents of environmental behavioral explanations, while Alford and Hibbing propose a theory for explaining why our “selfish genes� often lead us to cooperate. Their article is “The Origin of Politics: An Evolutionary Theory of Political Behavior.�

Evolutionary psychology offers an alternative to rational choice and behavioralist explanations of nonvoting and free riding. While rational choice takes preferences as given, evolutionary psychology goes deeper. In this case it would ask: Is it adaptive to be lazy, to expend the minimum effort necessary to ensure survival? The obstacle to action used to be exhaustion brought on by insufficient caloric intake. With time and energy for food collection limited, on what should the organism focus? Do hibernating animals store more fat than they need? Do squirrels keep working collecting nuts until they can’t any more, or do they stop when they have enough? Barriers to action at the polls today are different – bad weather, work schedules, the effort to learn about the issues. But are nonvoters making an adaptive choice to be lazy? If “the minimum effort necessary to ensure survival� can be extended to the survival of democracy, then we can see why people would not vote in ordinary elections – because the system will continue without their effort. But if democracy were about to disappear absent sufficient support in a plebiscite, perhaps people would vote. Analyzing the decision not to vote through Alford and Hibbing’s “wary cooperation� lens, we could hypothesize that people don’t vote because the action – completely individual, and taken in private – doesn’t activate our innate tendency toward cooperation. If the action were taken in public, so noncooperators in the voting effort could be identified and punished, perhaps voting would increase. Inventing a way to identify people voting out of selfish motives should have the same effect.

The problem with requiring that all behavioral explanations lead back to adaptations that would have served well in the Pleistocene is that not everything interesting about political behavior today can be taken back to the Pleistocene. Take candidate appearance, for example, a nontrivial matter in today’s media-driven campaigns. How do we explain the Nebraskan, and perhaps the American, preference for clean-shaven candidates? Gubernatorial candidate Stormy Dean’s failure was attributed in the press in part to his facial hirsuteness, perhaps leading the previously bearded current candidate, David Hahn, to run for the razor. Viewers thought Richard Nixon’s five o’clock shadow made him look shady in the televised debate with John F. Kennedy, and no major candidate for U.S. president has run bearded since 1948. Compare this preference for facial hairlessness with that of Muslim society, which requires all its men, and necessarily especially its leaders, to sport beards. Finding a Pleistocene preference for unbearded leaders would bump up against this difficult cultural difference, as well as (I’m no anthropologist, so I’m assuming) the lack of sufficiently effective facial hair-removal tools in that epoch. It seems, in other words, that every leader would have been hairy in that age, if only for lack of a way to relieve himself of that hair.

One could brave the politicized academic minefield Pinker describes by hypothesizing a gender difference in support for bald candidates. One would hypothesize that women would vote more for U.S. Sen. Ben Nelson because his full head of hair makes him look like better mating material than his shiny-domed challenger, Pete Ricketts. But one would then run into the Blank Slate/Ghost in the Machine/Standard Social Science Model proponents, who resist any non-environmental explanation for behavior. These proponents would shout the poor evolutionary political scientist down at conferences and conspire against him or her at the tenure committee meeting, leaving the poor young scholar penniless and consequently unable to attract a mate with either wealth or status. One could say, then, that studying evolutionarily adaptive explanations for behavior is not itself an adaptive behavior for the pre-tenured.

Hagel's Dialectics

With a creative and snarky headline, Mickey Kaus provides a Marxian analysis of Sen. Chuck Hagel's synthesis -- support for the war -- and his antithesis -- opposition to the war. No idea whether he or an editor wrote the headline. But it bears noting that headlines can say things the story does not, and editors have a professional norm of writing such clever titles -- sometimes complementing the story, and sometimes changing its meaning.

The headline: "Hagel's Dialectics: Anti-surge hyperbole from a pol who voted for the war."

The story:

Hagel's hyperbole - By Mickey Kaus - Slate Magazine
... So when Sen. Chuck Hagel calls Bush's latest plan "the most dangerous foreign policy blunder in this country since Vietnam, if it's carried out" that seems a bit odd. If the surge fails, surely the 'most dangerous foreign policy blunder' will be not the surge but the initial invasion of Iraq. Hagel voted for that, remember.

U.S.'s Fastest-Growing Religious Group is Apolitical

The New York Times reports that the United States' fastest-growing religious group, Pentecostals, is apolitical. Could the religious right's political involvement lessen if significant numbers adopt join Pentecostal churches?

There's also something to be learned about deliberative democracy from Pentecostals' practice of testimony-giving, by which people of widely varying educational attainment give rich descriptions of their lives. See Lynn Sanders' Against Deliberation (JSTOR) for an argument that rational discourse is an unrealistic expectation of some, and that testimony-giving should be accepted as legitimating dialogue. If memory serves, Iris Marion Young makes a similar argument.
A Sliver of a Storefront, a Faith on the Rise - New York Times


The prevailing image of evangelical Christians in America is one of militant churches and politically ambitious leaders, like the Rev. Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson, who have built a national base of like-minded Christians determined to shape public policy, especially on sexual issues.But while Pentecostals strongly oppose abortion and gay marriage, they have a long history of shunning political involvement. Though some notable Pentecostals have run for office — John Ashcroft on the right and the Rev. Al Sharpton on the left — most politicians are seen as agents of the secular world.

“I think Pentecostals realize ultimately their trust is in God and not in politics,� said Loida Martell-Otero, a theology professor at Palmer Theological Seminary in Pennsylvania. “The people in power have traditionally rendered them powerless.�

Saturday, January 13, 2007

National Sovereignty vs. the Entertainment Industry

What happens when national sovereignty violates business interests?

The Local - The Pirate Bay plans to buy island


Swedish file-sharing website The Pirate Bay is planning to buy its own nation in an attempt to circumvent international copyright laws.The group has set up a campaign to raise money to buy Sealand, a former British naval platform in the North Sea that has been designated a 'micronation', and claims to be outside the jurisdiction of the UK or any other country.

Logistic Regression with Stata Webcourse

Logistic Regression with Stata Webcourse: Lesson 2 - Logistic Regression with Categorical Predictors

One of the many handy ats.ucla.edu Stata tutorials. It taught me how the xi: command lets you easily control the comparison category in logistic regression with categorical variables; it's much more intuitive for me than the procedure in SPSS.

REWIRING NEUROSCIENCE

REWIRING NEUROSCIENCE
In the early 1990s, our long accepted (cc 1926) understanding of how a nerve encodes and conveys information was unexpectedly overturned by experiments on fast flying bats and insects. Around 1995, we began to realize we no longer knew what neurons actually do.In the decade since, many competing hypotheses have been advanced, suggesting various alternate neural encoding schemes. But the question of how a nerve communicates remains unanswered. It is a huge, gaping hole, at the most basic level, in our understanding of how the nervous system works.

This blog is about what would happen if, as a thought experiment, we were to rewire the human nervous system using a multichannel neuron. It explores the impact of this hypothetical "smarter" neuron on vision, memory and the brain.

New Year's Resolution: Blog My Surfing Procrastination

I resolve to get something out of my Web surfing by blogging each item I read online.

I reported the news professionally for five years and writing came easy and fast for me then. I've since gotten rusty. I hope forcing myself to write a least a sentence possibly dozens of time a day will improve things, and possibly motivate me to get more work and less surfing done.

I leave the irony of a New Year's resolution resolved on January 13 for you to savor.

tdaxp

A colleague of mine impresses me daily, but never more so than when I learned he writes
tdaxp, which features well-informed opinion on the Middle East along with book reviews like this:
Evolutionary Cognitivism, Introduction: Race of Man, Races of MenThis series is a companion to Biopsychological Development. What that series focused on my reaction to The Scientist in the Crib and The Emperor's New Clothes, this series centers on The Origins of Human Nature: Evolutionary Developmental Psychology. Of the three books assigned for the class, Origins is by far the most academic. It is a very competent synthesis of Cognitive Psychology's concepts of working memory, cognitive load, and the like with Evolutionary Psychology's era of evolutionary adaption, massive modularity, and such.

Political Psychology Syllabi

ISPP--Political Psychology Courses Syllabi
ISPP has a large number of political psychology syllabi online by the leading lights. Browsing through is a good way to find articles you haven't read.